For many Americans, the Fourth of July is a day that is chockablock with fireworks, cookouts and family gatherings. 

But a critical question lies behind the celebratory smoke and sparkles: Do we actually understand what we’re celebrating? 

Crucially, are we passing that understanding of the meaning of Independence Day on to the next generation? 

“In a time when patriotism seems to be on the decline — especially among young Americans — the answer may lie not in grander fireworks displays, but in more meaningful, reflective rituals,” the website wwwPragerU.com noted in a pre-holiday commentary.

To that end, in a 2007 newspaper column, Dennis Prager proposed a transformative idea: a “Fourth of July Seder.” 

Modeled after the Jewish Passover Seder, this 10-minute, intentional family ceremony would re-enact and reflect on the signing of the Declaration of Independence, Prager noted. 

Like its religious counterpart, the ceremony would involve the youngest attendees asking questions, symbolic elements to provoke discussion, and readings to deepen understanding, he said.

“National memory dies without national ritual, and without national memory, a nation dies,” Prager warned.

“Unfortunately,” PragerU.com added, “signs of fading national memory are already evident. According to the National Assessment of Educational Progress, also known as the Nation’s Report Card, only 13 percent of eighth-graders in 2022 scored proficient in U.S. history — the lowest performance since testing began. 

“Civic education fares little better, with only 22 percent scoring proficient in civics.

“This educational decline has real consequences. A 2023 Pew Research survey found that only 36 percent of adults under 30 say they are ‘extremely proud’ to be American, compared to 64 percent of adults over 65. The connection is clear: when history is forgotten, pride and patriotism wither.”

Historian Jason Bedrick of The Heritage Foundation warns of a growing “cultural Alzheimer’s” affecting Americans’ civic literacy. 

Without intentional efforts to tell our national story — especially in the home — our shared identity begins to erode, Bedrick lamented. 

Conversely, we agree that rituals, like Prager’s idea for an Independence Day Ceremony, could become essential tools for rebuilding a national narrative rooted in gratitude, bravery, and freedom.

Given that it is of critical importance to transmit the significance of the Fourth of July, we urge those who care to use the techniques of storytelling, intergenerational dialogue, and symbolic action to make this happen. 

It’s a story we’ve heard many times, but it’s always worth repeating. 

In 1787, when Benjamin Franklin was walking out of the Constitutional Convention, a lady famously asked “Well, Doctor, what have we got, a republic or a monarchy?” 

“A republic,” Franklin replied tartly, “if you can keep it.”

Even Franklin might be surprised we did keep it for 238 years. But it’s gone now. 

If 1787 marked the birth of our American democracy, 2025 marked the end of it. We no longer live in a democracy. We don’t even live in a monarchy. We live in a dictatorship.

It’s no democracy when a president can send his goons onto college campuses to round up people who’ve committed no crimes, deport them and confine them to prison in another country with no due process and no opportunity to defend themselves.

It’s no democracy when a president can ban private universities from accepting foreign students, simply because he believes, with no evidence, they’re a national security threat.

It’s no democracy when a president can invent a national crisis, send Marines into the streets of Los Angeles, and threaten to deploy troops to any other city where Americans protest the gestapo-style tactics of ICE — who are only following Trump’s orders to deport at least 3,000 a day.

First, let’s be clear about one thing. Los Angeles is not burning. The City of Angels is not at risk. 

Take it from me. I lived in LA during the Rodney King and O.J. Simpson riots. I stood on the roof of KCOP-TV and watched a mob of looters storm up La Brea Boulevard, torching shops and restaurants. 

While hosting my radio talk show, I was warned by security guards to hide under my desk because snipers were firing shots at our building. 

I was covering the riots from First AME Church in South Central when the entire neighborhood went up in flames. A black church member had me lie on the floor in the backseat of his car, threw a blanket over me and drove me through the violence-filled streets to my home in West Hollywood. 

By comparison, what’s happening today in Los Angeles is a picnic in the park.

And, by the way, the National Guard were also on the scene in both riots. But they were there the way it’s supposed to work: summoned by the governor of California, at the request of the mayor of Los Angeles, and used to guard the perimeter and enforce the curfew. Local law enforcement did a good job of dealing with the protesters, just like they’re doing again today.

The truth is, there is no national crisis. There is no Los Angeles crisis. There is no California crisis. There is only a crisis in democracy, stirred up deliberately by Donald Trump to expand his presidential power and paint Democrats as soft on crime and immigration.

Yes, there were peaceful protests against ICE, with some scattered violence, which the LAPD was more than capable of taking care of — until Trump, without consulting local or state officials, sent in the National Guard and the Marines. Donald Trump didn’t fix this “crisis.” He created it.

He’s only doing this “to defend law and order,” Trump insists, adding: we won’t allow protesters “to spit on our police.” 

Unbelievable! This shameless boast from the protester-in-chief who gave a presidential pardon to men convicted of killing police officers on January 6.

What’s happening in LA is the same mad power play Trump tried to unleash during the George Floyd protests, when he summoned the military to Lafayette Square and threatened to send troops into every big city. 

The difference is, then there were Justice Department and Pentagon officials who stopped Trump in his tracks and refused to consider martial law. This time around, Pam Bondi and Pete Hegseth will let Trump do whatever he wants.

We’re seen this playbook before: sow disinformation, silence your critics, muzzle the media, condemn the courts, stoke violence and unleash the military to seize more power. 

It was the playbook of Stalin, Hitler and Putin yesterday. It’s Donald Trump’s playbook today.

So what can we do? 

Our only hope is to roadblock Trump by taking back the House and Senate in 2026. 

Then we can look Ben Franklin in the eye and say: “Sorry, we really messed up. We let our republic fall for two years — but we worked hard — and finally got it back.” 

It’s up to us. 

© 2025 Tribune Content Agency, LLC

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Bill Press, a liberal, is host of The BillPressPod, and author of 10 books, including: “From the Left: My Life in the Crossfire.” His email address is: This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it . Readers may also follow him on Twitter @billpresspod.